(Adapted almost wholesale from John C Wrights blog)
...A friend argues that all religious belief and non
belief could be explained and had to be explained through genetics. He
stated that some people just had that religious inkling ingrained in
them purely through genetics and others did not.
Any glaring or subtle flaws can be found in his process of reasoning?
Ironically, in asking his question this points out
the very flaws in the argument that genetic predispositions, not
facts, evidence, experience or reasoning, explains why men come to the
conclusions they reach.
Listed in order logical links involved. The genetic fallacy is a specific type of ad hominem,
where an assertion is made that a man’s origins, genes, astrological
influences, upbringing, culture determine his conclusions and therefore
the conclusion may be dismissed without being addressed.
All postmodern, leftwing... logic is an attempt to evade,
elude, flee and cower from any arguments without addressing any points
actually raised.
The utility of the genetic fallacy is that it makes no sense
whatsoever, hence it can be used for all circumstances. One can say,
‘You are a man, and men commit most violent crimes, and therefore cannot
be objective about the question of capital punishment’ with just as
much ease one can say, ‘you are a women, and women commit few violent
crimes, and therefore you cannot be objective about the question of
capital punishment.’ It does not matter what term is substituted for
‘man’ or ‘woman’ or what topic is substituted for ‘capital punishment.’
In this case, there is just as much evidence, namely zero, and it
would be just as irrelevant if any evidence did exist, which it does
not, to say that theism is explained by genetics as to say belief in
capital punishment is explained by genetics.
Here are the problems.
1) First, if your friend has a genetic predisposition to disbelieve in
God, then his disbelief is not based on reality, not based on evidence,
it is merely a chemical in his bloodstream effecting his thought. By
that logic, no evidence on this topic or any other is trustworthy.
He saws off the branch on which he is sitting. If beliefs are
genetic, no belief is based on evidence, not even the belief that
beliefs are genetic. If your friend truly believed beliefs were
genetic, he would never argue about it. You cannot argue a man into
changing his genes.
2) Second, believers lose their faith and atheists convert every day of
every week of the year. Hence, the genetic predisposition for faith
does not actually control anything.
This is a classic example of a simple logical fallacy of
irrelevance. If you say the sunrise causes the rooster crow, or you say
the rooster crow causes the sunrise, both arguments are made nonsense
once you see sunrises without roosters calls and hear rooster calls
without sunsets.
3) Third, Darwinian evolution presupposes that there is a variation with
the species, and that the trait is carried on genetically. In this
case, there is no variation: there is no race of man that lacks
religious belief.
And, if the most successful race of man is the one with the religious
belief, then Darwinian logic says your friend is lowering his survival
chances and the survival chance of his posterity by embracing any
other belief. If belief in God is a genetic survival trait, disbelief
is anti-survival.
4) Fourth, if belief were genetic, then whatever race of man had the
trait, let us say the Jews, would be entirely immune to religious
belief, and another race, let us say the Chinese, would be entirely
vulnerable to religious belief. Does this fit any observed facts?
Likewise, if belief were genetic, it should run in certain families
and be absent in others. Does this match with even a casual observation
of the world around him?
5) Fifth, you can tell him that the belief that Darwinian genetics can
explain human thought is a belief caused by a defective gene he
inherited from his ancestor, like colorblindness.
Tell him that, due to an unfortunate combination of genes, he is
unable to perceive the spiritual reality and moral reality all healthy
minded humans from the dawn of time have felt. Ask him to propose an argument against this position. Then, whatever
argument he uses, adopt it yourself to show that belief in God is not
genetic.
6) Sixth, ask him whether or not real scientific theories can be
disproved? For example, Relativity would be disproved if light was
measured to travel at different speeds based on the speed of the
observer. Newton would be disproved if two objects dropping in a vacuum
were pulled by gravity at different rates of acceleration. Whereas a
witchdoctor who does a rain dance, when the rain does not come, merely
assumes that more dancing in a better spirit is needed, and he keeps
dancing until eventually it rains. His theory of causes and effects
cannot be disproved, hence it is witchdoctory, not science.
Ask your friend to provide you with an experiment or observation that
would disprove his theory of the genetic basis of religious belief.
7) Seventh, if religion were proved to have a genetic basis, it has no
bearing on whether the issue is true or false. Colorbindness is
genetic. Just because some people can see colors and others cannot does
not mean that all visible light is of the same wavelength. The genes
controlling the function of the eye do not make light exist or cease to
exist. Likewise, here. If some people are genetically predisposed to
see ghosts, or see whales, it does not mean that one is real and the
other is not real. There is no logical connection between the
assumption and the conclusion at all.
8) Eighth, if the genetic predisposition for religion did exist, how
would it be different from, for example, a genetic predisposition for a
skill at math, or an ear for music? Some people think more clearly
than others about metaphysical matters, and some people are better at
math or composing operas than others. Sometimes musical skill seems to
run in a family, like the Bach family. Other times it does not. Again,
even if it were proved that an ability to perceive spiritual reality
were genetic, it would say nothing about the reality of what was being
perceived. It would not prove the perception were accurate, nor would
it prove the perception were inaccurate.
9) Ninth, ask him how precisely his belief that some men are prone to
religion due to genetics differs from the belief in astrology? I have
heard that Libras are all religious, due to being born in October. Is
there even one observation or experiment your friend can name which
makes his theory more sound than the theory of an astrologer?
See original at http://www.scifiwright.com/2016/07/the-genetic-fallacy/
Shiningpeak is a portal to a various content, mostly a collection of articles and writings on topics such as religion, ethics, current events, politics, stupidity, modernity, antiquity, atheism, theism, etc, including lectures for the college level intro to philosophy class (phi 101). They include sections on logic, epistemology, metaphysics, ethics, politics, proofs of god, natural theology, ancient Greece, Plato, Socrates, Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, Thomism, and more.
Thursday, July 28, 2016
Thursday, July 14, 2016
The "Powerful's" need for "the marginalized"
A snippet from R.R.Reno at First Things:
"To motivate their voter base, liberals have invested a great deal in identifying ever-new patterns of discrimination. Notions such as “microaggression” and “intersectionality” reflect second-wave (or is it third-wave?) liberation politics. They gain currency because of the law of political supply and demand. The twenty-first-century Democratic solidarity-in-marginality coalition is held together by anxieties about exclusion and domination by the “other,” which is to say by Republican voters. This creates a strong political demand for narratives of oppression, which liberal intellectuals are happy to supply.
This dynamic operates most visibly at our universities, where well-off, mostly white liberals—the post-Protestant WASPs—rule. The legitimacy of this elite depends upon its commitment to “include” the “excluded.” It goes without saying that an Ivy League administrator must manage the optics very carefully to sustain “marginality” among the talented students who have gained admission. “Microaggression” and other key terms in the ever-evolving scholasticism of discrimination thus play very useful roles. They renew the threats of discrimination and exclusion, and this reinforces the power of liberal elites. Their institutional ascendancy is necessary to protect and provide patronage to the “excluded.” I’m quite certain that if political correctness succeeds in suppressing “microaggressions,” we’ll soon hear about “nano-aggressions.” The logic of solidarity in marginality requires oppression, and solidarity in marginality is necessary in order to sustain liberal power.
Outside our universities, life is less theoretical and the rhetoric more demotic. The standard approach has been to renew solidarity in marginality by demonizing conservatives as racists, xenophobes, and “haters.” To maintain loyalty, the Democratic party incites anxiety about discrimination and exclusion. A form of reverse race-baiting, perhaps best thought of as bigot-baiting, has become crucial for sustaining the Democratic coalition, which is why we hear so much about “hate” these days. At the recent gay pride parade in New York, a few weeks after the mass shooting at a gay nightclub in Orlando, marchers held aloft an avenue-wide banner that read, “Republican Hate Kills!”
It’s important to remember a first law of politics for solidarity in marginality: Political success makes it harder and harder to sustain solidarity in marginality, and this leads to bigot-baiting. We’ve seen an increase of harsh denunciations, not in spite of progressive victories on issues like gay marriage, but because of them. When Obama became president, a superficial observer might have concluded that the election of a black man to the nation’s highest office would diminish the political currency of anti-racist rhetoric. But this ignores the symbolic needs of the Democratic party. Black Lives Matter and redoubled attacks on discrimination are demanded by racial progress. Solidarity in marginality needs to be renewed, especially when the marginal gain access to power.
This pattern of rhetorical escalation because of progress in the fight against discrimination is also evident in characterizations of Trump voters as racists and bigots. Leon Wieseltier says of them, “They kindle, in the myopia of their pain, to racism and nativism and xenophobia and misogyny and homophobia and anti-Semitism.” No mainstream figure talked this way when I was young—and when these descriptions were much more plausible. Incendiary, denunciatory rhetoric was characteristic of a marginal figure like George Wallace, who spoke of “sissy-britches welfare people” and called civil-rights protesters “anarchists.”
It’s commonplace now for liberals to talk this way. This is not because America has become more racially, ethnically, religiously, or sexually divided. All the indicators suggest otherwise. It’s because the Democratic party depends on a constant bombardment of denunciation to gin up fear. That someone as intelligent as Wieseltier participates in bigot-baiting in such blatant ways indicates how indispensable it has become for maintaining liberal power.
It’s in this context that transgender bathroom access becomes an issue of national import for the Obama administration. Progressives need “haters,” and flushing them out so they can be politically useful targets of denunciation requires advancing the front lines of the culture wars. The ideology of transgenderism provides a near perfect combination. It so completely contradicts common sense and any worldview tethered to reality that resistance is guaranteed. Moreover, the cause of transgender “rights” focuses on confused and troubled children and adults, individuals whose condition makes them by definition marginal. The disordered nature of their emotional lives makes them vulnerable as well. They’re ready-made victims of an oppressive conservatism, an ideal focus for another round of bigot-baiting. Denouncing the “haters” who resist transgender ideology plays to fears of exclusion and discrimination that keep the rainbow coalition together.
The Republican party establishment recognizes this dynamic, which is why many conservative leaders have been urging retreat from the culture war. In their view, religious conservatives should reposition themselves as victims of a progressive dogmatism that threatens religious liberty. This strategy makes some sense, drawing as it does on liberalism’s own rhetoric of oppression and victimhood. But it misjudges the political realities of our time. Today’s rich-oriented liberalism can only maintain power through the support of voters united in fear of discrimination and marginality—black Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, single women, gays and lesbians, and others who worry they don’t fit into what they imagine to be the “mainstream” (which hardly exists anymore). As a consequence, every retreat on the cultural front will be followed by renewed progressive attacks designed to generate politically useful “hate.” Religious liberty is redescribed as the “right to discriminate.” Here again the LGBT movement plays an especially important role. Its agenda collides with traditional religious convictions about God, creation, nature, and morality, guaranteeing the ongoing culture war that has become so essential for post-Protestant WASPs to maintain power.
Bigot-baiting. It’s not going to end soon, no matter what we say or do. The ever-shriller denunciations directed our way stem from the rhetorical needs of the Democratic party. The present crusade for transgender bathroom privileges in high schools, like so much of the progressive agenda in recent years, is not about civil rights. It’s about renewing the symbolism of oppression and finding the “haters” that rich, mostly white liberals need to sustain their political power."
Read the whole piece at http://www.firstthings.com/article/2016/08/bigot-baiting
"To motivate their voter base, liberals have invested a great deal in identifying ever-new patterns of discrimination. Notions such as “microaggression” and “intersectionality” reflect second-wave (or is it third-wave?) liberation politics. They gain currency because of the law of political supply and demand. The twenty-first-century Democratic solidarity-in-marginality coalition is held together by anxieties about exclusion and domination by the “other,” which is to say by Republican voters. This creates a strong political demand for narratives of oppression, which liberal intellectuals are happy to supply.
This dynamic operates most visibly at our universities, where well-off, mostly white liberals—the post-Protestant WASPs—rule. The legitimacy of this elite depends upon its commitment to “include” the “excluded.” It goes without saying that an Ivy League administrator must manage the optics very carefully to sustain “marginality” among the talented students who have gained admission. “Microaggression” and other key terms in the ever-evolving scholasticism of discrimination thus play very useful roles. They renew the threats of discrimination and exclusion, and this reinforces the power of liberal elites. Their institutional ascendancy is necessary to protect and provide patronage to the “excluded.” I’m quite certain that if political correctness succeeds in suppressing “microaggressions,” we’ll soon hear about “nano-aggressions.” The logic of solidarity in marginality requires oppression, and solidarity in marginality is necessary in order to sustain liberal power.
Outside our universities, life is less theoretical and the rhetoric more demotic. The standard approach has been to renew solidarity in marginality by demonizing conservatives as racists, xenophobes, and “haters.” To maintain loyalty, the Democratic party incites anxiety about discrimination and exclusion. A form of reverse race-baiting, perhaps best thought of as bigot-baiting, has become crucial for sustaining the Democratic coalition, which is why we hear so much about “hate” these days. At the recent gay pride parade in New York, a few weeks after the mass shooting at a gay nightclub in Orlando, marchers held aloft an avenue-wide banner that read, “Republican Hate Kills!”
It’s important to remember a first law of politics for solidarity in marginality: Political success makes it harder and harder to sustain solidarity in marginality, and this leads to bigot-baiting. We’ve seen an increase of harsh denunciations, not in spite of progressive victories on issues like gay marriage, but because of them. When Obama became president, a superficial observer might have concluded that the election of a black man to the nation’s highest office would diminish the political currency of anti-racist rhetoric. But this ignores the symbolic needs of the Democratic party. Black Lives Matter and redoubled attacks on discrimination are demanded by racial progress. Solidarity in marginality needs to be renewed, especially when the marginal gain access to power.
This pattern of rhetorical escalation because of progress in the fight against discrimination is also evident in characterizations of Trump voters as racists and bigots. Leon Wieseltier says of them, “They kindle, in the myopia of their pain, to racism and nativism and xenophobia and misogyny and homophobia and anti-Semitism.” No mainstream figure talked this way when I was young—and when these descriptions were much more plausible. Incendiary, denunciatory rhetoric was characteristic of a marginal figure like George Wallace, who spoke of “sissy-britches welfare people” and called civil-rights protesters “anarchists.”
It’s commonplace now for liberals to talk this way. This is not because America has become more racially, ethnically, religiously, or sexually divided. All the indicators suggest otherwise. It’s because the Democratic party depends on a constant bombardment of denunciation to gin up fear. That someone as intelligent as Wieseltier participates in bigot-baiting in such blatant ways indicates how indispensable it has become for maintaining liberal power.
It’s in this context that transgender bathroom access becomes an issue of national import for the Obama administration. Progressives need “haters,” and flushing them out so they can be politically useful targets of denunciation requires advancing the front lines of the culture wars. The ideology of transgenderism provides a near perfect combination. It so completely contradicts common sense and any worldview tethered to reality that resistance is guaranteed. Moreover, the cause of transgender “rights” focuses on confused and troubled children and adults, individuals whose condition makes them by definition marginal. The disordered nature of their emotional lives makes them vulnerable as well. They’re ready-made victims of an oppressive conservatism, an ideal focus for another round of bigot-baiting. Denouncing the “haters” who resist transgender ideology plays to fears of exclusion and discrimination that keep the rainbow coalition together.
The Republican party establishment recognizes this dynamic, which is why many conservative leaders have been urging retreat from the culture war. In their view, religious conservatives should reposition themselves as victims of a progressive dogmatism that threatens religious liberty. This strategy makes some sense, drawing as it does on liberalism’s own rhetoric of oppression and victimhood. But it misjudges the political realities of our time. Today’s rich-oriented liberalism can only maintain power through the support of voters united in fear of discrimination and marginality—black Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, single women, gays and lesbians, and others who worry they don’t fit into what they imagine to be the “mainstream” (which hardly exists anymore). As a consequence, every retreat on the cultural front will be followed by renewed progressive attacks designed to generate politically useful “hate.” Religious liberty is redescribed as the “right to discriminate.” Here again the LGBT movement plays an especially important role. Its agenda collides with traditional religious convictions about God, creation, nature, and morality, guaranteeing the ongoing culture war that has become so essential for post-Protestant WASPs to maintain power.
Bigot-baiting. It’s not going to end soon, no matter what we say or do. The ever-shriller denunciations directed our way stem from the rhetorical needs of the Democratic party. The present crusade for transgender bathroom privileges in high schools, like so much of the progressive agenda in recent years, is not about civil rights. It’s about renewing the symbolism of oppression and finding the “haters” that rich, mostly white liberals need to sustain their political power."
Read the whole piece at http://www.firstthings.com/article/2016/08/bigot-baiting
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